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 *[http://www.preventgenocide.org/genocide/officialtext.htm Legaldefinition]
-*[https://www.ukessays.com/essays/criminology/can-genocide-be-explained-sociologically-criminology-essay.php Can Genocide be explained sociologically?]
+*[https://www.ukessays.com/essays/criminology/can-the-genocide-be-explained-sociologically-criminology-essay.php Can the genocide be explained sociologically?]
+:One of the most recent and controversial attempts to explain organised genocide violence is that of the English sociologist Michael Mann, who links and explains genocide through democratisation processes. Mann's main focus is on explaining the origins and continuous rise of genocide by looking at relations of political power in society. According to Mann, genocide is committed by groups that are manipulated by politicians and this causes an unfortunate disruption to social and political progress. Genocide is seen as not being different from modern ideologies as it is committed in the name of the people; this is what Mann calls the dark side of democracy. The class struggle and its institutions managed to restrain democracies from committing mass murder on its own citizens; however, they still managed to commit cleansings on groups defined as outside of the 'people'. This meant that as democracy got stronger among the perpetrators, so did genocide. This is the first sense in which genocide was the dark side of democracy. Genocide is therefore modern because it was seen as the dark side of democracy. The fact that it is granted within democracy that the possibility that majority groups can oppress minorities creates more threatening consequences in certain types of multi-ethnic societies (Mann, 2005).
+:Mann argues that a more adequate explanation of how and why genocide takes place is needed, so he creates a typology of the means of murderous cleansing. He distinguishes among different dimensions of cleansing associated with violence and illustrates that some types of violence are more likely than others to intensify. Among the three types of cleansing in the typology, most of them do not end in genocide but only the mildest types. The three types of cleansing include; 'induced assimilation' (the 'other' seeks 'assimilation' into the main group), 'induced immigration' (offers 'incentives' to the culturally similar groups) and 'induced emigration' (this is rarely applied but it is advised by 'rightist nationalists'). The escalation of these types of cleansing then goes as follows; 'coerced assimilation' (the 'other' is forced to join the main group and abandon its own), 'biological assimilation' ('the minority is prevented from reproducing'), 'coerced emigration' (removal by force), 'deportation' (removed by force from state territories), murderous cleansing (organised killings) and 'genocide' (final escalation, deliberate attempt to wipe out entire populations) (Mann, 2005). It can be seen that most of the cleansings are mild in form and that the more murderous cleansings are uncommon. Many groups have tried to avoid cleansing by assimilating into a nation state by changing their historical paths. Due to this Mann limits his analytical focus of murderous cleansings to very rare events in modern history in order to answer the question; why do such cleansings occur? (Mann, 2005).
+:Rudolph Rummel contrasts Mann's explanations, according to Rummel genocide depends on the authority of a state, the more authoritarian a state, the more likely it is to commit genocide. He argues that democracies do not commit genocide, there might be only a few cases in which genocide occurs within a democracy, however this only happens during wartimes, where mass murder is committed secretly with no democratic command. Rummel, however, fails to distinguish the more important cases of democratic mass murder such as the firebombing of Dresden and the issues in Tokyo. There were also authoritarian genocides that were committed in wartime with an attempt to secrecy for example Hitler and Stalin. Rummel acknowledges the relationship between democracy and genocide; however it is more complex and double edged than he explains (Rummel, 2004).
+:Zygmunt Bauman also tries to explain genocide, much like Mann, he claims genocide is a modern phenomenon and tries to provide a sociological explanation as to why this is (Bauman, 1991). Bauman argues that genocide exists and is a modern phenomenon due to technology, only modern technology that is made available to industrialised countries made it possible for crimes such as genocide to occur. He also argues that conventional morality in modern societies have been silenced and replaced with its own definition of good and bad, this means individuals are no longer responsible for the greater good, but are responsible for abiding by laws. So it is within the newly built systems of bureaucracy where responsibility is drawn from different sources that individuals commit genocide without having to turn to their morals as their evil actions or side is desensitised. It is therefore, according to Bauman, the emergence of modern technology and the growth of systems of bureaucracy and institutions that both prepares individuals and makes available to them the means to commit crimes such as genocide (Bauman, 1991). However this would mean that without the presence of these two conditions genocide would not occur but this is not the case. It is evident from the example of the holocaust and other modern genocides such as Rwanda that genocide cannot depend on only two factors (Waller, 2002).
+:Leo Kuper's attempt to explain genocide is rooted from his early work in Africa and work on the plural society. He includes sociobiological and psychological theories within the general theory that he adopts to explain genocide. According to Kuper societies which are divided are the 'seedbed' of genocide especially in times where groups battle for domination (Kuper, 1983). Furthermore, Kuper argues that genocide is not an unstoppable consequence of every society as it results from people's own decisions. Kuper goes on to identify other causes of genocide which for him include economic conflict and ideologies both of nationalism and of dehumanising people (Kuper, 1983).
+:Chalk and Jonassohn (1990) also accept that one of the main preconditions of genocide is the idea of devaluing the victims and identifying them as the 'other' and unequal to the dominant population. They take a historical based view to explaining a variety of genocide civilisations and settings. They acknowledge the fact that it is not easy for people to kill defenceless victims and so it is evident that to commit genocide authority and a 'quasi- bureaucratic organisation' are needed, this then makes genocide a crime of state (Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990). Through this, it is shown that genocide serves the interest of the state, leading social classes and the elites. Chalk and Jonassohn (1990) show that the first few types of genocide were used to build empires, for example the Mongols and Shaka Zulu's empire. For Chalk and Jonassohn, these explanations are mainly for modern genocides for example the Jewish, Armenian and Cambodian genocides but they provide no general explanation for other forms of genocide (Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990). These explanations of genocide help to reflect on the contemporary condition, this enables the consideration of ways to prevent such crimes in the future and how to deal with the aftermaths.
 *[https://clg.portalxm.com/library/keytext.cfm?keytext_id=195 What Are the necessary conditions for genocide?]