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Belgium continued to rule Rwanda as a UN Trust Territory after World War II, with a mandate to oversee independence.The economic landscape had changed considerably during the war, including growth of the cash economy[36] and economic opportunities in neighbouring countries, for example demand for labourers in the Congolese mines of Katanga, and in the coffee and sugar plantations of Uganda. Simultaneously, there was a shift in the sympathies of the Catholic Church. Prominent figures in the early Rwandan church such as Léon-Paul Classe, who were from a wealthy and conservative background, were replaced by younger clergy of working-class origin, with a greater proportion of Flemish rather than French speaking Belgians, who sympathised with the plight of the Hutu. The economic conditions, and seminarial education provided by the church allowed the Hutu a social mobility not previously possible, which in turn led to the development of an elite group of Hutu leaders and intellectuals. This elite, consisting of Hutu derived from the precolonial Kingdom of Rwanda, was joined by prominent citizens of kingdoms acquired during colonialism, including the Kiga people. | Belgium continued to rule Rwanda as a UN Trust Territory after World War II, with a mandate to oversee independence.The economic landscape had changed considerably during the war, including growth of the cash economy[36] and economic opportunities in neighbouring countries, for example demand for labourers in the Congolese mines of Katanga, and in the coffee and sugar plantations of Uganda. Simultaneously, there was a shift in the sympathies of the Catholic Church. Prominent figures in the early Rwandan church such as Léon-Paul Classe, who were from a wealthy and conservative background, were replaced by younger clergy of working-class origin, with a greater proportion of Flemish rather than French speaking Belgians, who sympathised with the plight of the Hutu. The economic conditions, and seminarial education provided by the church allowed the Hutu a social mobility not previously possible, which in turn led to the development of an elite group of Hutu leaders and intellectuals. This elite, consisting of Hutu derived from the precolonial Kingdom of Rwanda, was joined by prominent citizens of kingdoms acquired during colonialism, including the Kiga people. | ||
The most prominent figure in the movement was Grégoire Kayibanda. Like most of the Hutu counter-elite, Kayibanda had trained for the priesthood at Nyakibanda seminary, although he was never ordained. On completion of his education in 1948 he became a primary school teacher, and from 1952 edited Catholic magazine L'Ami, taking over from Alexis Kagame. In the late 1950s, Kayibanda sat on the board of the Travail, Fidélité, Progrès (TRAFIPRO) food cooperative, edited the pro-Hutu Catholic magazine Kinyamateka, and founded the Mouvement Social Muhutu (MSM), which later became the Parti du Mouvement de l'Emancipation Hutu (PARMEHUTU). The second major figure in the Hutu elite was Joseph Gitera, whose base was in the south of the country. He was also an ex-seminarian, and founder of the Association pour la Promotion Sociale de la Masse (APROSOMA) party. Religious historians Ian and Jane Linden described Gitera as "more passionate and perhaps compassionate" than Kayibanda and other Hutu ex-seminarians, but also described him as "often erratic and sometimes fanatical". | The most prominent figure in the movement was Grégoire Kayibanda. Like most of the Hutu counter-elite, Kayibanda had trained for the priesthood at Nyakibanda seminary, although he was never ordained. On completion of his education in 1948 he became a primary school teacher, and from 1952 edited Catholic magazine L'Ami, taking over from Alexis Kagame. In the late 1950s, Kayibanda sat on the board of the Travail, Fidélité, Progrès (TRAFIPRO) food cooperative, edited the pro-Hutu Catholic magazine Kinyamateka, and founded the Mouvement Social Muhutu (MSM), which later became the Parti du Mouvement de l'Emancipation Hutu (PARMEHUTU). The second major figure in the Hutu elite was Joseph Gitera, whose base was in the south of the country. He was also an ex-seminarian, and founder of the Association pour la Promotion Sociale de la Masse (APROSOMA) party. Religious historians Ian and Jane Linden described Gitera as "more passionate and perhaps compassionate" than Kayibanda and other Hutu ex-seminarians, but also described him as "often erratic and sometimes fanatical". | ||
The monarchy and prominent Tutsi, which had always assumed that power would be transferred to them on independence, sensed the growing influence of the Hutu and began to agitate for immediate independence. They formed their own party, the Union Nationale Rwandaise (UNAR), which was pro-monarchy and also anti-Belgian, a stance which earned them backing from the Communist bloc. In 1957, a group of Hutu scholars wrote the "Bahutu Manifesto". This was the first document to label the Tutsi and Hutu as separate races, and called for the transfer of power from Tutsi to Hutu based on what it termed "statistical law" | The monarchy and prominent Tutsi, which had always assumed that power would be transferred to them on independence, sensed the growing influence of the Hutu and began to agitate for immediate independence. They formed their own party, the Union Nationale Rwandaise (UNAR), which was pro-monarchy and also anti-Belgian, a stance which earned them backing from the Communist bloc. In explaining the sudden surfacing of Hutu-Tutsi language in Rwanda’s | ||
ecclesial and public discourse, Rwanda’s U.N.-mandated 1956 legislative elections | |||
emerge as a retrospective turning point. Although Hutu candidates won | |||
two-thirds of the elected seats on Rwanda’s local subcouncils, very few were | |||
chosen to serve on the appointed higher councils. In fact, Tutsi elites continued | |||
to fill 81 percent of Rwanda’s territorial council seats, 57 percent of positions | |||
in the colonial administration, and thirty-one of the thirty-two seats on | |||
Rwanda’s national Superior Council. In particular, Tutsi members of Rwanda’s | |||
Abanyiginya and Abega clans—the two clans that had traditionally dominated | |||
Rwanda’s nobility—controlled 50 percent of Rwanda’s subchiefdoms and 80 | |||
percent of its chiefdoms (Rutayasire 2004, 47). Looking to accelerate the | |||
timetable for independence, Rwanda’s Tutsi-dominated Superior Council | |||
issued a postelection Mise au point (statement of views) in February 1957 that | |||
called for continued devolution of political power and denied the existence | |||
of political or social discrepancies between Hutu and Tutsi (Murego 1975, | |||
754-757). | |||
In response, nine Hutu intellectuals released the Bahutu Manifesto in March | |||
1957In 1957, a group of Hutu scholars wrote the "Bahutu Manifesto". This was the first document to label the Tutsi and Hutu as separate races, and called for the transfer of power from Tutsi to Hutu based on what it termed "statistical law". | |||
Nach der allmählichen Einwanderung der Bantu sprechenden und Ackerbau betreibenden Hutu (um das Jahr 1000 n.Chr.) in das Gebiet des heutigen Ruanda, das damals nur von Batwa bewohnt war, kamen einige Jahrhunderte später die Tutsi, die Rinder züchteten und Eisen herstellen konnten. Die Waldgebiete, in denen die Batwa wohnten, wurden zugunsten des Ackerbaus der Hutus und der Viehzucht der Tutsi allmählich gerodet. Da Ruanda die arabischen und europäischen Sklavenjagden vermeiden konnte, war der Zuzug von Einwohnern beachtlich - zumal örtliche Machthaber aus der Größe ihrer Klientel weitere Macht und Einkommen ableiten konnten. Die Bevölkerung nahm allein zwischen den 1940er und 1980er Jahren von einer auf sieben Millionen zu. Während der Kolonialzeit (1895-1916: deutsche Kolonie; danach belgisches Treuhandgebiet) wurde Grundbesitz der örtlichen Machthaber aufgeteilt und seit den 1960er Jahren ermutigte die Regierungspolitik die Bauern, ihr Ackerland zu Lasten des Weidelandes, der Feuchtgebiete und Wälder auszudehnen. Die vorher entspannte Situation - zwischen den Tutsi und den Hutu hatten sich feudale Abhängigkeits- und Kooperationsstrukturen entwickelt, was auch zu einer gewissen Verwischung der ethnischen Grenzen geführt hatte - spitzte sich zu. Als Ruanda sich der Unabhängigkeit näherte, war die soziale Situation gespannt. | |||
== Ruandische Revolution == | == Ruandische Revolution == | ||