Klaus Croissant: Unterschied zwischen den Versionen

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Contemporary Crises 4 (1980) 341-348 341
Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company, Amsterdam - Printed in The Netherlands
THE CRIME OF KLAUS CROISSANT
SEBASTIAN SCHEERER
Klaus who?
To most people in West Germany, the 1931-born liberal lawyer is the
devil in disguise. In their opinion, he and his colleagues, notably Lang,
Newerla, Groenewold and Str~Sbele were busy smuggling escape and attack
plans from one prisoner's cell to the other or from the incarcerated heads
of the Red Army Faction (RAF), popularly known as the Baader-Meinhof
gang, to still fugitive soldiers of the urban guerilla while pretending to mind
their own business as lawyers of the defense in Germany's most exciting
post-war conspiracy trial. Popular emotions were running high: the Baader-
Meinhofs, it must be known, had placed a bomb in the headquarters of
the Fifth U.S.Army command in Frankfurt, killing three U.S. citizens in an
attempt to protest the American Vietnam policy and Germany's tacit
support of the logistic operations needed to carry through President Nixon's
bombing warfare in Indochina. But other groups had, long after Baader and
Meinhof, continued the armed struggle: they had kidnapped a politician and
shot a banker, an industrialist and a judge, also killing policemen and bodyguards.
A few more bombing and bomb scares had officially been attributed
to "the terrorists".
Croissant, in the eyes of the masses, in collaboration with his colleagues
masterminded the continuing guerilla operations after Baader and Meinhof
had been arrested. Others defined him not as the Godfather but as the
"mailman" for arsonists and police murderers [ 1]. He had "subordinated
himself to the plans and goals of the conspiracy as one of its members"
[2]. Notwithstanding this ambiguity in his public image - Godfather or
humble servant of terrorists - Croissant and his colleagues had to be stopped
at all costs. It was so easy and yet so difficult.
Croissant and his colleagues had hardly been accepted by the court as
defense lawyers for the five accused, when they were, half a year later,
in 1975, excluded. It took only two weeks to pass a law providing for the
possibility of the exclusion of lawyers. Information about the defense
strategy was collected by periodical cell raids and continuous marl-inspection
by the Secret Service. "We're not going to curb the legitimate rights
of the defense", a member of Parliament said in the debate preceding this
law. "We're solely aiming at lawyers pursuing their revolutionary battle
Johann Wolfgang Goethe Universitt~'t, Frankfurt, Federal Republic of Germany.
0378-1100[80/0000-0000]$ 02.25 © 1980 Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company
*[https://socialhistoryportal.org/sites/default/files/raf/0019760716_01_2.pdf Dokumente zur Verhaftung 1976]
*[https://socialhistoryportal.org/sites/default/files/raf/0019760716_01_2.pdf Dokumente zur Verhaftung 1976]
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