Gezielte Tötung: Unterschied zwischen den Versionen

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:[http://www.tagesspiegel.de/medien/folter-made-in-usa-die-dunkle-seite-der-macht/4305996.html Beschränkungen für Geheimdienste dürfe es nicht geben]. Nun ist es in der Geschichte etwa der CIA immer recht schattig zugegangen. Doch die Regierung von George W. Bush hatte sich im „Krieg gegen den Terror“ durch ein besonders trauriges Beispiel von Schreibtischtäterei hervorgetan: der Legalisierung von Folterpraktiken. Man kann es auch so sehen wie CIA-Agent Michael Scheuer. Der antwortet im Film „Folter – Made in USA“ auf die Frage, ob „Waterboarding“, also das simulierte Ertränken, Folter sei: „Natürlich nicht. Es war vom Präsidenten genehmigt und von US-Juristen gebilligt." Im Frühjahr 2009 hatte US-Präsident Obama den Agenten und Verhörspezialisten Straffreiheit zugesichert, aber zugleich zahlreiche Regierungsdokumente freigegeben. Insofern enthüllt der Dokumentarfilm von Marie-Monique Robin keine Neuigkeiten. Die Memos der Juristen im Pentagon, im Justizministerium und im Weißen Haus liefen 2003 auf eine von Verteidigungsminister Rumsfeld unterzeichnete Liste empfohlener Verhörtechniken hinaus. Spätestens seit ihrer Veröffentlichung sechs Jahre später war klar, dass die Fotos aus dem irakischen Gefängnis Abu Ghraib von 2004 nicht durchgeknallte Einzeltäter zeigten, sondern eine von oben abgesegnete Praxis.
:[http://www.tagesspiegel.de/medien/folter-made-in-usa-die-dunkle-seite-der-macht/4305996.html Beschränkungen für Geheimdienste dürfe es nicht geben]. Nun ist es in der Geschichte etwa der CIA immer recht schattig zugegangen. Doch die Regierung von George W. Bush hatte sich im „Krieg gegen den Terror“ durch ein besonders trauriges Beispiel von Schreibtischtäterei hervorgetan: der Legalisierung von Folterpraktiken. Man kann es auch so sehen wie CIA-Agent Michael Scheuer. Der antwortet im Film „Folter – Made in USA“ auf die Frage, ob „Waterboarding“, also das simulierte Ertränken, Folter sei: „Natürlich nicht. Es war vom Präsidenten genehmigt und von US-Juristen gebilligt." Im Frühjahr 2009 hatte US-Präsident Obama den Agenten und Verhörspezialisten Straffreiheit zugesichert, aber zugleich zahlreiche Regierungsdokumente freigegeben. Insofern enthüllt der Dokumentarfilm von Marie-Monique Robin keine Neuigkeiten. Die Memos der Juristen im Pentagon, im Justizministerium und im Weißen Haus liefen 2003 auf eine von Verteidigungsminister Rumsfeld unterzeichnete Liste empfohlener Verhörtechniken hinaus. Spätestens seit ihrer Veröffentlichung sechs Jahre später war klar, dass die Fotos aus dem irakischen Gefängnis Abu Ghraib von 2004 nicht durchgeknallte Einzeltäter zeigten, sondern eine von oben abgesegnete Praxis.


    Unmittelbar nach 09/11, am 21.09. 2001 legalisierte Präsident George W. Bush den gezielten Einsatz von Killerdrohnen (115):  
Unmittelbar nach 09/11, am 21.09. 2001 legalisierte Präsident George W. Bush den gezielten Einsatz von Killerdrohnen: "President George W. Bush signed a secret 'Memorandum of Notification" giving the CIA carte blanche to hunt down and kill high-value Targets in the al-Qaeda leadership. Bush also approved a list of about two dozen people whom the CIA was authorized to kill or capture without further presidential Review and allowed the Addition of names to that list with no permission necessary. On the day he signed the document, Bush spoke with Reporters at the Pentaton saying: 'I want justice, and there's an old poster out West, as I recall, saying WANTED, DEAD OR ALIVE'. Reporting on the presidential 'kill list', the New York Times noted: ' Despite the authority given to the agency, Mr. Bush has not waived the executive order banning assassinations, officials said. The presidential authority to kill terrorists defines operatives of Al Qaeda as enemy combatants and thus legitimate targets for lethal force".


    "President George W. Bush signed a secret 'Memorandum of Notification" giving the CIA carte blanche to hunt down and kill high-value Targets in the al-Qaeda leadership. Bush also approved a list of about two dozen people whom the CIA was authorized to kill or capture without further presidential Review and allowed the Addition of names to that list with no permission necessary. On the day he signed the document, Bush spoke with Reporters at the Pentaton saying: 'I want justice, and there's an old poster out West, as I recall, saying WANTED, DEAD OR ALIVE'. Reporting on the presidential 'kill list', the New York Times noted: ' Despite the authority given to the agency, Mr. Bush has not waived the executive order banning assassinations, officials said. The presidential authority to kill terrorists defines operatives of Al Qaeda as enemy combatants and thus legitimate targets for lethal force" (115)
Die erste Killer-Drohne wurde am 1. Oktober 2001 in Afghanistan eingesetzt; sie galt einem Toyoto Corolla, in dem man den Taliban-Führer Mullah Omar vermutete. Sie traf letztlich ein anderes Fahrzeug. November 2001: die erste Tötung eines "hochwertigen" Ziels, Mohammed Atef, Schwiegersohn von Osama Bin Laden, gemeinsam mit sieben weiteren Personen, in Jalalabad, Afghanistan. Am 3.11.2002: Drohnentötung von Salim Sinan al-Harithi, einem Al-Quaida-Führer im Jemen. "It was the first assassination by drone in a country with which the United States was not at war (unlike the Afghan hits). In the more innocent days this was cause for shock to many People, including Asma Jahandir, the UN Special rapporteur on extrajudial, summary, or arbitrary executions, who thought the development 'truly disturbing'". Tatsächlich hat sie in ihrem Report vom 13.01.2003 als "clear case of extrajudicial killing" bezeichnet.


    die erste Killer-Drohne wurde am 1. Oktober 2001 in Afghanistan eingesetzt; sie galt einem Toyoto Corolla, in dem man den Taliban-Führer Mullah Omar vermutete. Sie traf letztlich ein anderes Fahrzeug (118 ff).
2004: Scheich Yassin.
    November 2001: die erste Tötung eines "hochwertigen" Ziels, Mohammed Atef, Schwiegersohn von Osama Bin Laden, gemeinsam mit sieben weiteren Personen, in Jalalabad, Afghanistan (121)
    am 3.11.2002: Drohnentötung von Salim Sinan al-Harithi, einem Al-Quaida-Führer im Jemen. "It was the first assassination by drone in acountry with which the United States was not at war (unlike the Afghan hits). In the more innocent days this was cause for shock to many People, including Asma Jahandir, the UN Special rapporteur on extrajudial, summary, or arbitrary executions, who thought the development 'truly disturbing'"(234). Tatsächlich hat sie in ihrem Report vom 13.01.2003 als "clear case of extrajudicial killing" bezeichnet.


September 2011: "Hassprediger" Anwar al Awlaki "killed by a CIA drone" im Yemen. "Over fifteen days in the summer of 2013 the United States hit Yemen with nine strikes, killing as many as forty-nine people, including up to seven civilians, three of whom were children." Clearly in 2013 "things had come a very long way since George Bush had begun crossing out names in the list he kept in his desk drawér. A well-funded bureaucratic mechanism to service the 'Disposition matrix' as the kill list had been euphemistically relabeled, was centred at the national Counterterrorism Center, whose 500-strong staff was charged with, among other things, collating the various lists crafted by the CIA and JSOC and others. (As noted, the president liked to have the very last word. 'Turns out I'm really good at killing People,' he remarked the day Awlaki dies. "Didn't know that was gonna be a strong suit of mine'.)
September 2011: "Hassprediger" Anwar al Awlaki "killed by a CIA drone" im Yemen.
 
Early one morning in September 2011, Abdulrahman set out from our home in Sana by himself. He went to look for his father, whom he hadn’t seen for years. He left a note for his mother explaining that he missed his father and wanted to find him, and asking her to forgive him for leaving without permission.
 
A couple of days after Abdulrahman left, we were relieved to receive word that he was safe and with cousins in southern Yemen, where our family is from. Days later, his father was targeted and killed by American drones in a northern province, hundreds of miles away. After Anwar died, Abdulrahman called us and said he was going to return home.
 
That was the last time I heard his voice. He was killed just two weeks after his father.
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Recent Comments
xgrunt July 19, 2013
 
It's called collateral damage people. You travel to a country with known terrorist activity and is on the State Department do not travel...
Roger July 19, 2013
 
This is a very emotionally charged letter but sadly 16 year olds can kill and plot, ask any vietnam vet. There is much unsaid and...
will segen July 19, 2013
 
IMO we need more snowdens and mannings to stop the tyranny of obama's minions.As long as the cincinnati bens and their ilk continue to...
 
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A country that believes it does not even need to answer for killing its own is not the America I once knew. From 1966 to 1977, I fulfilled a childhood dream and studied in the United States as a Fulbright scholar, earning my doctorate and then working as a researcher and assistant professor at universities in New Mexico, Nebraska and Minnesota.
 
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I have fond memories of those years. When I first came to the United States as a student, my host family took me camping by the ocean and on road trips to places like Yosemite, Disneyland and New York — and it was wonderful.
 
After returning to Yemen, I used my American education and skills to help my country, serving as Yemen’s minister of agriculture and fisheries and establishing one of the country’s leading institutions of higher learning, Ibb University. Abdulrahman used to tell me he wanted to follow in my footsteps and go back to America to study. I can’t bear to think of those conversations now.
 
After Anwar was put on the government’s list, but before he was killed, the American Civil Liberties Union and the Center for Constitutional Rights represented me in a lawsuit challenging the government’s claim that it could kill anyone it deemed an enemy of the state.
 
The court dismissed the case, saying that I did not have standing to sue on my son’s behalf and that the government’s targeted killing program was outside the court’s jurisdiction anyway.
 
After the deaths of Abdulrahman and Anwar, I filed another lawsuit, seeking answers and accountability. The government has argued once again that its targeted killing program is beyond the reach of the courts. I find it hard to believe that this can be legal in a constitutional democracy based on a system of checks and balances.
 
The government has killed a 16-year-old American boy. Shouldn’t it at least have to explain why?
Correction: July 20, 2013
 
Because of an editing error, an Op-Ed on Thursday incorrectly described Anwar al-Awlaki, the writer’s son, at the time of a lawsuit challenging the government’s targeted-killing program. He was alive when the suit was dismissed, not dead.
 
"Over fifteen days in the summer of 2013 the United States hit Yemen with nine strikes, killing as many as forty-nine people, including up to seven civilians, three of whom were children." Clearly in 2013 "things had come a very long way since George Bush had begun crossing out names in the list he kept in his desk drawér. A well-funded bureaucratic mechanism to service the 'Disposition matrix' as the kill list had been euphemistically relabeled, was centred at the national Counterterrorism Center, whose 500-strong staff was charged with, among other things, collating the various lists crafted by the CIA and JSOC and others. (As noted, the president liked to have the very last word. 'Turns out I'm really good at killing People,' he remarked the day Awlaki dies. "Didn't know that was gonna be a strong suit of mine'.)




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