Benutzer Diskussion:Woozle/Against Penitentiaries: Unterschied zwischen den Versionen

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* [[Julia C. Oparah]] is professor and chair of Ethnic Studies at Mills College. She is maybe better known as Julia Sudbury (with a number of abolitionist publiations, in Social Justice and elsewhare). Here she deals with the Topic "Why no prisons?". She reports about the new Abolitionist movement in the USA (Critical Resistance), which holds annual metings since 1998. CR's analysis of the political economy of prisons was shaped by Linda Evans and Angela Y. Davis. "One of the most effective strategies used by Critical Resistance to win Support for the Abolition rather than reform of prisons is to Point to a continuity between slavery and contemporary incarceration" (283). But aren't there some people who really need to be locked up? CR's answers and strategies are to be found in "The Abolitionist Toolkit"(2012) [http://criticalresistance.org/resources/the-abolitionist-toolkit/]). Oparah (298) shares the activists' belief in a three step strategy of prison abolition: STOP (moratorium), SHRINK (decarceration), BUILD (alternative way to built security and address harm).
* [[Julia C. Oparah]] is professor and chair of Ethnic Studies at Mills College. She is maybe better known as Julia Sudbury (with a number of abolitionist publiations, in Social Justice and elsewhare). Here she deals with the Topic "Why no prisons?". She reports about the new Abolitionist movement in the USA (Critical Resistance), which holds annual metings since 1998. CR's analysis of the political economy of prisons was shaped by Linda Evans and Angela Y. Davis. "One of the most effective strategies used by Critical Resistance to win Support for the Abolition rather than reform of prisons is to Point to a continuity between slavery and contemporary incarceration" (283). But aren't there some people who really need to be locked up? CR's answers and strategies are to be found in "The Abolitionist Toolkit"(2012) [http://criticalresistance.org/resources/the-abolitionist-toolkit/]). Oparah (298) shares the activists' belief in a three step strategy of prison abolition: STOP (moratorium), SHRINK (decarceration), BUILD (alternative way to built security and address harm).


* David Scott, is Senior lecturer of criminology at Liverpool John Moores University. First of all, he makes an argument to distinguish prisons "from other sites of state detention (and other social institutions)". "Pain and the allocation of blame are the very reasons why prisons exist (Christie 1981)".
* David Scott, is Senior lecturer of criminology at Liverpool John Moores University. First of all, he makes an argument to distinguish prisons "from other sites of state detention (and other social institutions)". "Pain and the allocation of blame are the very reasons why prisons exist (Christie 1981)"(302). Scott has created the term "abolitionist compass" (in Malloch & Munro, eds. Crime, Critique and Utopia. London , 2013), a normative Framework "to assist our navigation away from deeply entreched social inequalities and the problems associated with the criminal process" 313). His "abolitionist real utopia" (315) requires "at least nine interlinked strategic objectives:
 
1. acknowledgment that social inequalities and penal Responses are intimately linked
 
2. escape from the punitive trap (e.g. "a crime and punishment armistice between the main political parties")
 
3. generate knowledge from below and fostering moral responsibility
 
4. creation of an alternative public space
 
5. humanising aliens and Monsters
 
6. radical reduction of economic and social inequalities
 
7. radical reduction of prison populations  ((Knopp 1976, Mathiesen 1986: "attrition model")
 
8. promotion of radical alternatives, not derived from the criminal justice process (alternatives must be "in place of rather than additions to to existing criminal processes"(321).
 
9. building grass roots activism ans abolitionist praxis.
 
Author's summary: "An 'abolitionist real utopia' requires immediate direct policy interventions alongside the fostering of community-based social movements that can join forces in struggles for freedom and recognition of human dignity for all. Anti-prison activists and theorists must continue to aspire to live in, and fight for, a ''world without prisons'' alongside advocating nonpunitive interventions rooted in immanent possibilities that can start to roll back the penal colonisation of the life world" (323 f).


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