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Obviously, these strategies are not mutually exclusive. They will have to be combined with "Anti-Funktionsarbeit" (Mathiesen 1989, 168 ff), i.e. creating a public discourse about the explicit and implicit functions of prisons. And they need to link up with existing movements for restorative justice. This is exactly what Fay Honey Knopp and her co-abolitionists had in mind, with explicit reference to Thomas Mathiesen:
Obviously, these strategies are not mutually exclusive. They will have to be combined with "Anti-Funktionsarbeit" (Mathiesen 1989, 168 ff), i.e. creating a public discourse about the explicit and implicit functions of prisons. And they need to link up with existing movements for restorative justice. This is exactly what Fay Honey Knopp and her co-abolitionists had in mind, with explicit reference to Thomas Mathiesen:
"We have structured an attrition model as one example of a long range process for abolition.'Attrition', which means the rubbing away or wearing down by friction, reflects the persistent and continuing strategy necessary to diminish the function and power of prisons in our society.To clarify our terms, the reforms we recommend are "abolishing-type" reforms: those that do not add improvement to or legitimize the prevailing system. We also call for partial abolitions of the system: abolishing certain criminal laws, abolishing bail and pretrial detention and abolishing indeterminate sentences and parole" (Morris 1976, ch.3).
"We have structured an attrition model as one example of a long range process for abolition.'Attrition', which means the rubbing away or wearing down by friction, reflects the persistent and continuing strategy necessary to diminish the function and power of prisons in our society.To clarify our terms, the reforms we recommend are "abolishing-type" reforms: those that do not add improvement to or legitimize the prevailing system. We also call for partial abolitions of the system: abolishing certain criminal laws, abolishing bail and pretrial detention and abolishing indeterminate sentences and parole" (Morris 1976, ch.3).
== What remains to be done? ==
The harm caused by crime is often more complex and more widespread than is usually thought. There is physical, psychic, and/or material damage, but there is also something in a crime that affects the community as such and even the normative structure of the social order. If there is to be an alternative to punishment then this alternative would have to take into account this three-dimensional harm. Any alternative would have to be able to respond to the question how it would deal with the challenge of re-instating the victim in his or her full status as a citizen (materially, emotionally, socially), how it would deal with restoring peace and confidence in a shaken collective, and how it would manage to publicly re-affirm the validity of a broken rule in order to prevent normative erosion. Crimes hurt victims, but they also hurt the law's claim to validity. Whereas victim compensation can do a lot to undo the harm inflicted upon the victim, punishment takes care of the crime's symbolic message in that it publicly and forcefully contradicts the impression that it is easy and okay to disobey the law - and that you can get away with it. Punishment is central to the normative order (and very existence) of society because it is an instrument with which to assure that a crime will not derogate the norm that it disobeys. It serves as the authoritative repudiation of the implicity anti-legal message of every crime that occurs. It is a performative (speech and non-discursive) act restoring the claim that the law - even if broken - has not lost its validity. And as we have seen, this anti-message against the message of crime contains not only a consolation for the victim, but also a relevant lesson to the offender, and a vital reassurance towards the affected community that breaches of the law are not being left acquiesced.


== Beyond Prisons and Punishment ==
== Beyond Prisons and Punishment ==
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